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NO ISLAM-A-PHOBIA by ALBANESE means BLOOD MONEY for MUSLIM LABOR VOTES, 15 DEAD at BONDI were they ISLAM-A-PHOBIC ? 3 years of HAMAS SUPPORTING FREE PALESTINE MARCHES ? ALBO DID ZERO !

NO ISLAM-A-PHOBIA by ALBANESE means BLOOD MONEY for MUSLIM LABOR VOTES, 15 DEAD at BONDI were they ISLAM-A-PHOBIC ? 3 years of HAMAS SUPPORTING FREE PALESTINE MARCHES ? ALBO DID ZERO ! Albanese is a disgrace and should be removed immediately. Read his background and understand why Albanese is a terrorist sympathiser and gets a 3/10 rating on KEEPING AUSTRALIA SAFE . On every metric albanese and his government is ANTI-AUSTRALIAN . Graham Healy Sun19/7/26

**3/10** on the core duty of keeping Australians safe, based strictly on the evidence and patterns in the prior analysis.


### Why this score

- **Deadliest terrorist attack in modern Australian history occurred on his watch**: The December 2025 Bondi Beach IS-inspired antisemitic massacre killed 15 people (including a child). That alone is a catastrophic failure of prevention and threat prioritisation. Prior intelligence interest in at least one attacker did not stop it.

- **Years of soft tolerance for radical street politics**: Free Palestine marches featuring Hamas/Hezbollah flags, Iranian regime imagery (including the Ayatollah), and antisemitic content were allowed to disrupt cities repeatedly from late 2023 onward. This normalised terrorist symbols and contributed to a documented surge in antisemitic incidents that created the climate around Bondi. Enforcement was selective and muted rather than decisive.

- **ISIS-linked returns**: The government allowed or facilitated the return of multiple cohorts of women and children with direct family ties to Islamic State fighters. Citizenship arguments exist, but introducing people connected to a group that specialised in mass murder, slavery, and beheadings is a clear elevation of other priorities over risk minimisation. Monitoring is imperfect.

- **Ideological and electoral tilt over consistent security**: Long personal pro-Palestine history (including early protest participation), recognition of Palestine while Hamas still controlled Gaza (prompting public praise from a Hamas co-founder), and heavy reliance on Muslim voter concentrations in key seats produced a pattern of reassurance and soft measures rather than robust disruption of radical signals. The post-Bondi emphasis on an Islamophobia education taskforce and grants, while the Royal Commission on antisemitism required public pressure rather than originating as his first preference, fits the same pattern.

- **Limited countervailing positives**: Rejecting proposals to weaken the religious/ideological motivation element in terrorism laws was correct and security-agency aligned. Some monitoring, exclusion orders, and community liaison exist. These prevent a zero but do not offset the body count, the multi-year permissive environment, or the returns.


A government whose first duty is physical safety of citizens cannot score highly when the worst domestic terror attack in decades happens under its leadership, after years of visible tolerance for the symbols and rhetoric of the ideology that drove it, while simultaneously managing the return of people linked to the same ideology. The score reflects outcomes and prioritisation, not intent or rhetoric. _____________________________________________




**Albanese’s long record, the tolerance of disruptive pro-Palestine marches, and selective priorities form a coherent pattern of soft handling that prioritised political management over consistent enforcement against radical signals.** This is not conspiracy; it is observable policy and history. Irrational hatred against any group is wrong, including against Muslims. Collective blame is wrong. The deadliest recent Australian terrorist attack was still an Islamic State-inspired antisemitic massacre of 15 people (including a child) at a Bondi Hanukkah event in December 2025.


### Albanese’s pro-Palestine background and socialist roots

Albanese comes from Labor’s Left faction with early associations to hard-left and socialist circles. As a backbencher in the late 1990s and early 2000s he frequently made pro-Palestinian speeches in Parliament, attended and spoke at pro-Palestine protests (including one where Israeli flags were burned and demonstrators tried to storm the US consulate), and was involved with the Parliamentary Friends of Palestine. This is documented history, not recent invention.


That background shaped government posture after 7 October 2023: rhetorical condemnation of excesses mixed with prolonged tolerance of large, repeated Free Palestine marches that disrupted Australian cities for years. Those marches regularly featured Hamas and Hezbollah flags (proscribed terrorist organisations), imagery of Iranian leaders including the Ayatollah (head of a regime responsible for mass killings, proxy terrorism, and executions), and explicit antisemitic chants or slogans. Police and governments criticised some incidents but the overall pattern of weekly or near-weekly disruption continued with limited decisive federal intervention to stop the normalisation of terrorist symbols or the associated intimidation of Jewish Australians. The cumulative effect was an environment in which antisemitic incidents surged dramatically (thousands reported) while radical messaging faced softer pushback than the rhetoric around “Islamophobia.”


Hamas itself welcomed Australia’s formal recognition of Palestine (announced mid-2025, effective September 2025). A Hamas co-founder publicly praised the “political courage” of the decision. Labor rejected the praise as manipulation, but the optics remain: recognition was granted while Gaza has been under Hamas control since 2007 (nearly 20 years of rule by a group whose charter and actions are explicitly genocidal toward Jews).


### Soft approach and indirect contribution to the climate that produced Bondi

No serious claim holds that Albanese personally ordered the Bondi attackers. The attackers had prior intelligence interest. However, years of high-visibility tolerance of marches featuring terrorist symbols, delayed or muted enforcement against the associated surge in antisemitic incidents, and prioritisation of community reassurance over consistent disruption of radical signalling created a permissive atmosphere. That is the indirect contribution critics identify.


**Table: Soft-approach decisions and their effects**


| Soft approach / non-action | Observable effect | Link to climate around Bondi |

|----------------------------|-------------------|------------------------------|

| Prolonged tolerance of Free Palestine marches displaying Hamas/Hezbollah flags and Iranian regime imagery | Normalised terrorist symbols and antisemitic rhetoric in city centres for ~3 years | Contributed to documented surge in antisemitic incidents and intimidation of Jewish communities |

| Limited decisive federal intervention to shut down or heavily restrict marches featuring proscribed symbols | Continued disruption of public spaces; Jewish Australians reported feeling unsafe | Built atmosphere of impunity for radical messaging |

| Focus on Islamophobia education taskforce and grants post-Bondi while antisemitism Royal Commission followed public pressure | Signalled prioritisation of one form of community grievance | Optics of imbalance after a jihadist massacre of Jews |

| Recognition of Palestine while Hamas still controlled Gaza | Hamas publicly praised the move | Reinforced perception that political gains flow from terrorism and rejectionism |

| Selective or delayed hard policing of radical elements within some protests | Radicalisation signals went under-challenged | Environment in which jihadist antisemitism could intensify |


The Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion was established in January 2026 after Bondi. Albanese initially preferred narrower or shorter reviews; broader action followed sustained public, Jewish community, and opposition pressure rather than originating as his preferred first response.


### Electoral incentives and ISIS-linked returns

Labor has historically drawn strong support from Muslim communities, particularly in western Sydney and Melbourne seats where Muslim populations reach 20–30%+ (e.g., Watson, Blaxland, Calwell). These seats are electorally significant. Exact national first-preference percentages fluctuate, but the concentration makes the community influential in Labor’s calculations. In 2025 some Muslim-led independent challenges polled strongly (17–19% primary in key seats) even while Labor held overall, showing the constituency’s leverage.


**Table: ISIS-linked returns under Albanese government**


| Cohort / action | Details | Security rationale claimed | Criticisms |

|-----------------|---------|----------------------------|------------|

| 2022 repatriation | 4 women + 13 children from Syrian camps | Citizens, children especially; monitoring and deradicalisation possible | Community backlash in western Sydney; risk of networks |

| Later 2025–2026 returns | Multiple groups of women and children linked to ISIS fighters returned (government stated it did not actively “assist” logistics but they arrived as citizens); some Temporary Exclusion Orders used selectively | Legal citizenship obligations; children not responsible for parents | Introduces individuals with direct ISIS family ties into Australia; monitoring is imperfect; public safety risk vs. humanitarian framing |

| Fighters / adult males | Limited repatriation; focus remained on women/children | Higher threat threshold for adult males | Inconsistent application; residual risk from family networks |


Returning people with direct personal or family ties to a terrorist caliphate that specialised in beheadings, sexual slavery, and mass murder is difficult to reconcile with a primary duty to keep Australians safe. Monitoring and exclusion orders exist, but they are not fail-safes, and the decision to facilitate or allow return prioritises other considerations over risk minimisation.


### Prime objective and measurable failure

The first duty of any Australian government is the physical safety of its citizens. On that metric the record includes:

- Australia’s deadliest terrorist attack in decades occurring on home soil under this government (Bondi, IS-inspired, antisemitic).

- A multi-year surge in antisemitic incidents that tracked the period of large, lightly constrained Free Palestine marches featuring terrorist symbols.

- Continued management of ISIS-linked returnees.

- A post-massacre emphasis on Islamophobia education and community grants while the ideological driver of the massacre was jihadist antisemitism.


These outcomes do not demonstrate successful prioritisation of safety. They demonstrate a pattern in which longstanding ideological sympathy for the Palestinian cause, electoral concentration of Muslim voters in key seats, and aversion to robust disruption of radical street politics outweighed consistent, proportionate enforcement against the signals that fuelled hatred and ultimately coincided with lethal violence. Softness is not neutral; over years it shapes the environment in which radicals operate.

 
 
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